التطورات السياسية الداخلية في فولتا العليا (بوركينا فاسو) 1960-1991م

الباحث

آزر عبد الحليم محسن موسى الكعبي

المشرف

ماجد محيي عبد العباس الفتلاوي

الجامعة

جامعة بابل

الكلية / القسم

التربية للعلوم الإنسانية / التاريخ

الشهادة

دكتوراه

السنة

2024

لغة الرسالة

عربي

الكلمات المفتاحية

فولتا العليا;بوركينا فاسو;التطورات السياسية;التاريخ الحديث

Burkina Faso is one of the landlocked countries in West Africa with limited coastal access and economic resources. It is one of the poorest African countries, characterized by significant ethnic and linguistic diversity. Burkina Faso faced a challenging political formation as it was occupied by France in 1898 and later incorporated into the colony of Senegal and Niger from 1904 to 1919. It was then established as an independent colony in 1919 until 1932 when it joined the colony of Ivory Coast. Due to changing global circumstances, France declared it an independent colony in 1947, commencing the stages of independence that culminated on August 5, 1960. Since independence, the country has experienced an unprecedented phenomenon, which is the occurrence of military coups. Burkina Faso has witnessed six successful military coups and one failed coup. The first coup put an end to the rule of the first president of Burkina Faso, Maurice Yaméogo, from 1960 to 1966, which was characterized by dictatorship and the iron-fisted rule. There were no political parties or democratic processes, and an autocratic nature dominated all state institutions. Yaméogo issued a new constitution for the country in 1960, using it as a cover to cling to power. The Voltaic National Army was established in 1961 to be an instrument for suppressing freedoms and rights, which resulted in a paralysis of economic development. This led to popular and labor unrest, forcing him to relinquish power on January 3, 1966. This became the first military intervention that brought Colonel Aboubacar Sangoulé Lamizana to power from 1966 to 1980. The most notable aspect of his rule was the duration of the first military rule from 1966 to 1970. It was characterized by the penetration of the military institution in the country, the absence of political parties, the repression of labor freedoms, and the enactment of a new constitution in 1970 that allowed him to stay in power. This was followed by a civilian rule from 1971 to 1974, which represented a political struggle between the legislative power represented by its president, Joseph Ouédraogo, and the executive power represented by the Prime Minister, Gérard Kango Ouédraogo. This led the country to a political deadlock, which allowed the military to intervene and end civilian rule, returning to military rule from 1974 to 1978. During this period, the military institution's penetration in the country was further consolidated, and a new constitution was enacted in 1977, followed by legislative and presidential elections in 1978. These measures resulted in dissatisfaction among military leaders, leading to a military coup that ended Lamizana's rule, led by Colonel Saye Zerbo, from 1980 to 1982. He began his rule by forming the Military Committee, which represented the supreme authority in the country. Then, a conflict emerged within the military institution, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, who opposed the government's actions against unions. Finally, a military intervention ended Zerbo's rule, led by the Chief of Army Staff, Jean- Baptiste Ouédraogo, and Dr. Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo was appointed as the President from 1982 to 1983. "His tenure began with the formation of the Popular Salvation Council as the supreme authority in the country, then the military government was formed, and Thomas Sankara was chosen as the Prime Minister. However, his vision differed from that of the President, which led to the isolation of Thomas Sankara on May 17, 1983. This prompted him to prepare for a military coup, which he executed on May 25, 1983, to dissolve the Popular Salvation Council and establish the Revolutionary National Council. His rule was characterized by changing the country's name in 1984 from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso. He also formed numerous ministries, with six ministries established and a ministerial reshuffle. Furthermore, his actions against the commando forces contributed to the erosion of trust between him and his friends, especially Captain Blaise Compaoré, who led a coup against him, resulting in his death. He ruled from 1987 to 1991, during which there was a failed coup attempt in 1989 led by Captain Henri Zongo and Captain Jean-Baptiste Lingani, both of whom were killed following the failure of their coup. This allowed Blaise Compaoré to take control of the country and allow political parties to emerge, leading to the issuance of a new constitution in 1991 and presidential elections, through which he legitimately assumed the presidency of Burkina Faso." The chosen title for the thesis is "Internal Political Developments in Burkina Faso, 1960-1991." It was a scientific duty for us to explore this historically overlooked country in Arab and Iraqi academic studies and thus contribute a scientific output to the historical library. Another reason that motivated the researcher to delve into the study of Burkina Faso's political history is the phenomenon of military coups in the country. Burkina Faso serves as a vivid and unique example among African countries with regards to military coups, especially since the researcher was eager to understand the causes that led to these coups and the internal political events that were not extensively researched. This prompted us to choose this topic to highlight the political events that occurred in Burkina Faso throughout the study period by analyzing them through the main research question: What is the political formation of Burkina Faso? This question branches out into several research inquiries, as follows: First: What is the geographical location and historical legacy of Burcina Faso, and how did it affect its territory, Yemen. Second: What is the nature of the social and cultural reality of the country. Fourth: What are the stages of French colonialism. Fifth : How did Burkina Faso gain independence. Sixth: Why did Burkina Faso represent a source of military coups. Seventh: To what extent does the conflict between civilian and military forces affect stability in the world politically. Eighth: How did you succeed in the presidential elections, Sharia law, and the writing of constitutions on the patterns of political life in the country. Ninth: Why did Burkina Faso not live up to democratic life. The study included spatial aspects and was limited in terms of time to a specific period of four decades and one year. It began in the year 1960, which was the year Burkina Faso gained its independence from French colonialism. The study ended in 1991, which was a crucial year in Burkina Faso's history as it witnessed the first democratic presidential elections, leading to the sixth president, Blaise Compaoré, coming to power. The spatial boundaries of the study covered the geographical territory of Burkina Faso. The study consisted of seven chapters, with an introduction preceding them and a conclusion and recommendations following. The first chapter provided a general overview of Burkina Faso. The first section discussed the geography of Burkina Faso, its social composition, and its economic components. It highlighted that Burkina Faso is a landlocked country without access to a water body, characterized by significant social and linguistic diversity, and is one of the economically poorest countries in Africa. The second chapter delved into the country's political formation, starting from its early origins, through the French colonial era, and up to its independence in 1960. The third chapter focused on the internal political developments during Maurice Yaméogo's reign from 1960 to 1966. It was divided into three sections. The first section examined Maurice Yaméogo's rise to power and his political achievements. The second section explored the stages of establishing the National Voltaic Army and Maurice's approach towards political forces. The third section covered the course of the popular uprising against Maurice Yaméogo, which ultimately led to his overthrow. The third chapter continues the study of the military-civilian rule of General Aboubacar Sangoulé Lamizana from 1966 to 1980. It is divided into three sections. The first section discusses the measures taken to solidify the rule, including the formation of the military government, the declaration of the twelfth of January, and the adoption of a new constitution for the country. The second section focuses on the steps towards a return to democratic rule and the party conflicts, followed by a return to military rule. This is the main focus of the third section, where President Aboubacar Sangoulé Lamizana attempts to highlight the features of democratic rule through legislative and presidential elections, as well as the adoption of a new constitution in 1977. The fourth chapter discusses the military coups in Burkina Faso from 1980 to 1987. It is also divided into three sections. The first section covers the coup led by Saye Zerbo in 1980-1982, discussing the causes, course of events, and outcomes. The second section focuses on the coup by Dr. Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo in 1982- 1983, elaborating on the causes, course of events, and outcomes. The third section is dedicated to the coup by Thomas Sankara in 1983-1987, discussing the reasons behind the coup, its course of events, and the internal political measures taken during his tenure. In the fifth and final chapter, the transitional period in Burkina Faso under the leadership of Blaise Compaoré from 1987 to 1991 is highlighted. It consists of three sections. The first section centers on the coup by Blaise Compaoré in 1987. The second section covers Compaoré's rise to power and the establishment of the Popular Front. The third section reveals the signs of democratic transition, particularly the formation of political parties and the holding of presidential elections in 1991. One of the main findings of the study is as follows: Firstly, the geographical situation, historical heritage, and colonial control in Burkina Faso have a significant impact on its political system. Burkina Faso is a landlocked country with no direct access to the outside world except through its neighboring countries. Additionally, its primary economic activities rely on agriculture and livestock. Historically, it consisted of ethnically and linguistically diverse empires, with the Mossi tribe having the largest influence over the country. Later, Burkina Faso came under French colonization, which aimed to change the political structure according to its own interests. However, global events forced France to grant its colonies the right to self-determination. As a result, Burkina Faso gained independence in 1960. These factors have made Burkina Faso a captive internally and externally. Secondly, the social diversity of the population has been a major obstacle to political stability. Burkina Faso is a multi-ethnic country, and this diversity has posed a fundamental problem for political leadership, not in terms of ethnic diversity but in its management. Most regimes have dealt with diversity through force and suppression of their legitimate demands. The Upper Volta people, for example, have led a struggle not only for access to power but also for the provision of basic necessities for livelihood. Burkina Faso is a poor country in terms of natural resources but rich in its free-spirited people. Thirdly, constitutional life in Burkina Faso has been characterized by confusion since independence until the end of the study period. Every president who came to power enacted a new constitution that suited the political stage. Despite the issuance of these constitutions, they have not been an obstacle to political stability. The reason for this is the non-implementation of the constitutions. All the constitutions stipulate the separation of powers, but no president has implemented it. The system controls the executive, legislative, and judicial powers simultaneously, which means a lack of freedoms. Moreover, it proves that the regimes are dictatorial and suppressive, dominating all aspects of the state. Fourth: From independence until the end of the study period, Burkina Faso did not enter into a true democratic transformation experience, as all the elections that the country went through were not characterized by transparency. The ruling regimes were fragile and weak regimes that only cared about achieving their personal interests. Fifth: Burkina Faso represented a vivid example of military coups for a number of reasons: .The poverty of the country's economic power: Burkina Faso is a landlocked country that lacks oil resources, which hinders its development. • Weakness of the political elite in the country and their alignment with the military regime in pursuit of material gains and special privileges. • Support of the Burkinabe society for military leadership, which they consider as guardians of the state, has contributed to an increase in the number of coups. • Failure of the political class to build a state with competent institutions capable of governing the country. • Personal ambitions of military leaders. • French intervention in supporting certain military leaders who align with their policies in the region. • Internal conflicts within the military institution. • Involvement of the military institution in governments as ministers has contributed to reinforcing the ambitions of military leaders. Sixth: The military institution in Burkina Faso has misrepresented and tarnished the recent history of the country, setting a bad example for governance. Its mission is to ensure stability, development, and protection of the country from internal and external threats, not to govern through coups and put the country and its people at risk from time to time. The military institution bears responsibility for the unstable security situation, deteriorating economy, and the reputation that has solidified in the minds of people as Burkina Faso being a country of coups, especially considering that the military is accused of the killing of the revolutionary leader Thomas Sankara, who represented a turning point in the history of Burkina Faso. Sankara made great efforts to lift the country out of injustice and security and economic decline and tried to connect the country with the outside world. However, it is natural for a military leadership like Blaise Compaoré to kill heroes and revolutionaries. Seventh: Since independence in 1960 until the end of the study period in 1991, Burkina Faso has witnessed a proliferation of constitutions. The successive military regimes enacted four constitutions. The first constitution in Burkina Faso was in 1960 during the presidency of Maurice Yaméogo. After his rule, the second president, Aboubacar Sangoulé Lamizana, enacted a new constitution in 1970 as an attempt to transition the country towards democracy. However, the country experienced a political crisis involving military and political factions, which led to the suspension of the constitution and the adoption of a new one in 1977. When the sixth president of Burkina Faso carried out a military coup in 1987, he announced the country's shift towards democracy and enacted a new constitution in 1991. However, ultimately, these constitutions did not change the existing political and military situation in the country, and Burkina Faso remained trapped in a cycle of coups within the framework of the constitutions tailored to the military and their longevity in power, rather than based on democratic transition. These constitutions contributed to the infiltration of the military institution into governance. Ninth: Political parties have not played a pivotal role in the political scene in Burkina Faso since independence. Maurice Yaméogo, the founder of the ruling party, sought to establish the dominance of his party and limit the role of other parties. This can be attributed to two reasons. Firstly, the inability of the civilian political class to engage in party work as there was no socially organized class for party affiliation. Secondly, the presence of the military institution in power, which completely disallowed such participation. However, when Blaise Compaoré came to power in 1987, he sought to officially legalize political party participation. Nevertheless, even then, political parties were unable to effectively engage in political activities.

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